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10/9/2002 Colin Powell Larry King Live - CNN http://www.state.gov/secretary/former/powell/remarks/2002/14255.htm MR.
KING: It's always a great pleasure to welcome him to this program, the
Secretary of State of the United States, Colin Powell. Now, Secretary Powell,
we'll begin with your response to the assessment raised in the letter by the
Deputy CIA Director stating that Baghdad now appears to be drawing a line short
of conducting terrorist attacks. Is this now in opposition to what the
President said the other night? SECRETARY
POWELL: Well, I don't know, Larry. I always take with a grain of salt anything
that comes out of Baghdad, and we are always trying to make an assessment. But,
you know, what you have to do in this case is measure Saddam Hussein's
intentions, and his intentions for many years have included developing weapons
of mass destruction to threaten his neighbors and threaten the United States if
he thought that would serve his purposes, and we know that over the years he
has supported terrorist organizations. So it is not
just what he might be doing at any moment in time; it's what his overall
intentions have been for that long period of time. We are going to give him a
challenge now, hopefully with a strong Congressional resolution, with a strong
UN resolution, to change his ways, change the behavior of that regime, or the
regime will have to be changed. And we're hard at work on that, and I think the
President has been doing a terrific job in making the case. MR. KING: Mr.
Secretary, therefore, is the CIA's assessment wrong or is the CIA just relating
what they hear? SECRETARY
POWELL: It's an assessment, Larry, and it's always a function of the information
they have available to them at any particular point in time. Assessments rise
in likelihood of occurrence or not a likelihood of occurrence depending on
information that comes in. So we always have to see an assessment like that as
a snapshot at a point in time. MR. KING: A
great general once told me, Chappie James -- I know you knew him well. SECRETARY
POWELL: Very well. MR. KING: --
that no one hates war more than a warrior. You've been a warrior. Do you fear
the possibility that if a military action does occur, it becomes a
self-fulfilling prophecy and Iraq then uses its chemical weapons on a state
like Israel? SECRETARY
POWELL: War should never be a self-fulfilling prophecy; it should always be a
deliberate act by people acting rationally, hopefully. And in this case, as the
President said the other night, we are trying to see war as a last resort.
There is a way to avoid war, but it must include the disarmament of Saddam
Hussein, taking away his weapons of mass destruction and the capability to produce
them. If that can be
done through the international community rallying around the President's
agenda, the international community coming together and supporting the
resolutions that the UN has passed for many years, and the new resolution that
I think will be put before the UN, then we can solve this problem, hopefully,
without war. But if it
takes military action to solve this problem, then that's what we will do,
either in concert with other nations under a UN mandate or, if necessary, the
President is prepared to act with just like-minded nations without a UN
mandate. But it's much better to do it with the international community coming
together. MR. KING: Just
to make this clear: Saddam Hussein -- and he might be watching for all we know,
we are seen in Baghdad -- he has to do what that would prevent him facing
military action? What does he have to do? SECRETARY
POWELL: He has to eliminate all of his weapons of mass destruction, and the
only way we can be sure of that is to send inspectors in who have total access
to any place in Iraq to see whoever they have to see anytime they decide they
have to go see that place or person without any interference. We will see
whether or not the Iraqi regime is prepared to cooperate on that basis. And if
they cooperate on that basis and they can assure the international community
that they have been disarmed, that will take care of at least one of the many
UN resolutions, and I think we will have a different situation that we will
have to examine at that time. MR. KING:
What's the timetable? When does he have to start doing this? SECRETARY
POWELL: Well, he should
have been doing it over the years. He should have done it in 1991. I think it
is important for us to act promptly now. That's why I hope the United States Congress
will act promptly on its resolution, the
resolution that President Bush helped draft with the Congress, because that will show that America is united behind
this effort; and with that Congressional resolution, then I think our efforts
to get a UN resolution are strengthened. And I hope that this will all come
about in the not too distant future, within a matter of days, or perhaps a week
or two. MR. KING: It
has always been said that you were one opposed to us acting unilaterally. Do
you still favor that position that we don't do it without the UN and
Congressional approval? SECRETARY
POWELL: I think it is always best to rally friends to a cause that they should
be rallied to, a cause that we all should believe in. And in this instance, we
can rally the international community. The President did exactly just that on
the 12th of September when he went before the United Nations and reminded them
of their responsibilities, laid out the indictment against the Iraqi regime,
and then said clearly what the Iraqi regime had to do, and then he made it also
clear that there had to be consequences if Iraq did not comply this time. It is always
best to see if you can do it with like-minded nations and with the support of
the international community; but at the same time, if the United States is in
danger, at risk, the President has the inherent right as President of the
United States to do whatever is required to protect us. That might sometimes
require unilateral action. It is not because we don't like multilateral action,
but because it is necessary to act unilaterally. And that is not a new
position; it has happened very often in the course of our history. MR. KING: Are
you frankly, Mr. Secretary, optimistic or pessimistic about the response of
Iraq? SECRETARY
POWELL: I have stopped trying to handicap the Iraqi regime a long time ago. All
I know is that I think the international community is coming together this time
to put down a strong demand. There is no
debate in New York among the Security Council members about the fact that
Saddam Hussein has violated these resolutions. There is also no debate among my
colleagues in the Security Council that we need to have a tough inspection
regime that is any time, any place, anybody. The discussion
is: How do you link consequences to their failure to act this time? So it is
not a matter of being optimistic or pessimistic. We will just see what they do.
I do know that there is a new determination, a new understanding within the
international community that we cannot turn away from it this time, we cannot
look away and trust Saddam Hussein to do the right thing; he has to know that
there will be consequences for violating whatever new resolution is put down. This is not a
matter of negotiation with him or measuring optimism or pessimism from day to
day; this is a realistic approach, it's a real approach, it's a way to solve a
problem and see if we can do it without going to war. But there must be
consequences for failure to comply, and if those consequences include going to
war, then I hope the international community will understand the importance of
us doing this as an international community. MR. KING: I'm
going to take a break and when we come back we'll ask you: What is at stake for
the United States. What is the fear of the United States happening in Iraq that
causes us to possibly take this action? (Commercial
break.) MR. KING:
We're back with Secretary of State Colin Powell. Mr. Secretary, no state likes
to start a war, so the obvious is: What is the threat to this state, the United
States, in starting it? What can he do to us? SECRETARY
POWELL: His conventional military capability -- tanks, planes, divisions --
nowhere near the capability they had 12 years ago at the time of the Gulf war.
The Gulf war succeeded in bringing that conventional capability down to size. What would
concern us are the weapons of mass destruction, the very reason that such a
conflict may be necessary. We do know that he has stocks of biological weapons,
chemical weapons. We don't believe he has a nuclear weapon, but there's no
doubt he has been working toward that end. And that's what we want to make sure
does not happen: him to be in possession of a nuclear weapon. So he could use
these chemical and biological weapons against our forces going in; but more
seriously, he could use them against neighbors or against his own people, as he
has done in the past. At the time of
the Gulf war 12 years ago, we also attributed him with the capability to use
chemical and biological weapons and we took the risk at that time, protecting
our troops as they went into battle, and he demonstrated that he would strike
at his neighbors. He fired scud missiles at Israel and at Saudi Arabia. He
caused casualties, but those missiles did not contain chemical or biological
agents. I don't know whether they would or would not this time. But we have to
make sure that if it comes to conflict we do everything we can to protect our
friends in the region and we also send out a clear deterrent message to the Iraqi
regime about the inadvisability of using such weapons, and especially get that
message down to the commanders and units that might be the ones ordered to use
those weapons and let them know they would be held to account for the
consequences of such use. MR. KING: You
were a commander. Would a commander listen to the statements made, threatening
statements made, by another nation? SECRETARY
POWELL: If that commander thought that he might face the consequences of not
listening, if that individual thought he could be brought to justice for this
kind of crime against humanity, and if that individual started to lose
confidence in his leadership, recognizing that his leadership was about to be
removed, then there may be a different calculation going through his mind and
he might well be paying close attention to what we're saying. MR. KING: A
few other things, Mr. Secretary. Israel supports the United States completely
in this, yet they face the most immediate danger. Is this a dichotomy? SECRETARY
POWELL: Well, they do face a danger. I think Saddam Hussein and the weapons
he's been developing are a danger to all the nations in the region, to include
Israel. And so that's why Israel has been a strong supporter of the need for
the international community or for nations who are inclined to act together, if
not under the umbrella of the international community, to deal with this
threat. MR. KING: So
much has been written about rifts, and we've dealt and discussed this before.
Under what circumstances, Mr. Secretary, would a cabinet member, yourself,
resign? In other words, you're a good soldier and good soldiers have to
support. Is there a circumstance under which you would say, "I can't live
with what we're doing"? SECRETARY
POWELL: Larry, there's no point in getting into this kind of a discussion. We
are knitted together as a cabinet team, as a national security team, on this
issue, under the leadership of the President. He has given us clear guidance.
He has given us clear instructions and he's given us a vision of what we have
to accomplish. And we know what we have to do. We have to be firm at this
moment in history. We have to be united as a cabinet, as a nation, and I think
we are. And we also should be united as an international community, the United
Nations coming together. And it is all
for the purpose of removing a threat to the region, a threat to the people of
Iraq, and a threat potentially to the United States if we do not now disarm
Iraq one way or the other. And so the
question you posed -- that nice, hypothetical, rhetorical one -- has no
relevance at the moment. MR. KING:
We're going to let you go now. Any comment at all on the Belafonte statements
critical of you? SECRETARY
POWELL: I think it's unfortunate that Harry used that characterization. I'm
very proud to be serving my nation once again. I'm very proud to be serving
this President. If Harry had wanted to attack my politics, that was fine. If he
wanted to attack a particular position I hold, that was fine. But to use a
slave reference I think is unfortunate and is a throwback to another time and
another place that I wish Harry had thought twice about using. MR. KING: As
always, we thank you very much. Good seeing you, Mr. Secretary SECRETARY
POWELL: Take care, Larry. |